It was against this background that Dubois began his search for ancient human bones.

正是在这样的背景之下，杜布瓦开始了他寻找古人类化石的工作。

Mr Dubois was abducted in Mali in 2021 and Mr Woodke was snatched in Niger in 2016.

杜布瓦曾于2021年在马里被绑架，伍德克曾于2016年在尼日尔被绑架。

Homo heidelbergensis, Homo rhodesiensis, Neandertals, and Dubois's Java Man-but all that was about to change in a very big way.

海德尔堡人、罗德西亚人、尼安德特人，以及杜布瓦的爪哇人——但是很快，这一切就将发生根本性改观。

Dubois called it Anthropithecus erectus (later changed for technical reasons to Pithecanthropus erectus) and declared it the missing link between apes and humans.

杜布瓦称他为直立（后来因技术原因改称为直立猿人），并且宣称这是联结猿和人类之间的缺环。

Let’s go to the Thought Bubble to look at one of Dubois’ early studies of these disparities.

让我们到 Thought Bubble 看看 Dubois 对这些差异的早期研究之一。

Dubois went knocking on doors, asking people questions about themselves and their families.

Dubois 去敲门，询问人们有关他们自己和家人的问题。

This quote reveals a really critical underlying thread in much of Dubois’ work – the idea of double-consciousness.

这句话揭示了杜波依斯大部分作品中真正关键的潜在线索——双重意识的想法。

It’s hard to express just how radical Dubois’ conclusions were at the time.

很难表达当时杜波依斯的结论有多么激进。

At about the time that Dubois was setting out for Sumatra, a skeleton found in Perigueux was confidently declared to be that of an Eskimo.

就在杜布瓦出发去苏门答腊前后，有人在佩里格发现了一副骸骨；它被很有把握地宣布为爱斯基摩人的化石。

Dart could see at once that the Taung skull was not of a Homo erectus like Dubois's Java Man, but from an earlier, more apelike creature.

达特马上发现，这并非是杜布瓦发现的爪哇人那样的直立人，而是与猿更为接近的远古猿人。

If it is an erectus bone, it is unlike any other found since. Nonetheless Dubois used the thighbone to deduce-correctly, as it turned out-that Pithecanthropus walked upright.

即使是一根直立人的骨头，它也与已经发现的其他化石不同。杜布瓦据此推论——后来证明是正确的——类人猿是直立行走的。

These feelings are what fueled Dubois’ work, which focused on the disparities and conflicts between people of different races – what we now call race-conflict theory.

这些感受推动了 Dubois 的工作，该工作专注于不同种族之间的差异和冲突——我们现在称之为种族冲突理论。

But the reasons that these class gaps exist to begin with, come from the structural disadvantages that date back to Dubois’ time.

但这些阶级差距存在的原因首先来自可追溯到杜波依斯时代的结构性劣势。

Dubois continued to research the ways in which prejudice, segregation, and lack of access to education and jobs were holding back African Americans.

杜波依斯继续研究偏见、隔离以及缺乏教育和工作机会是如何阻碍非裔美国人发展的。

Dubois began to consider his race as a part of his identity, when he moved to the South to go to college, and then spent several years in Europe.

当 Dubois 搬到南方上大学，然后在欧洲呆了几年时，他开始将他的种族视为他身份的一部分。

Modern sociologists continue Dubois’ work on racial politics, asking the question: How is race intertwined with political power, and the institutional structures within a society?

现代社会学家继续杜波依斯关于种族政治的研究，提出以下问题：种族如何与政治权力以及社会中的制度结构交织在一起？

Dubois argued that there are two competing identities as a Black American – seeing one’s self as an American and seeing one’s self as a Black person while living in white-centric America.

杜波依斯认为，作为美国黑人，存在两种相互竞争的身份——在以白人为中心的美国生活时，将自己视为美国人和将自己视为黑人。

And finally, we looked at the activist side of Dubois’ life as co-founder of the NAACP and editor of the Crisis, and discussed how modern day sociologists study racial politics and racial resistance.

最后，我们审视了 Dubois 作为全国有色人种协进会的联合创始人和《危机》编辑的激进主义一面， 并讨论了现代社会学家如何研究种族政治和种族抵抗。

We introduced the idea of racial formation and used Dubois’ survey of African Americans in Philadelphia to look at how economic, political, and social structures affect how we perceive different races – and vice versa.

我们介绍了种族形成的概念，并使用 Dubois 对费城非裔美国人的调查来研究经济、政治和社会结构如何影响我们对不同种族的看法——反之亦然。

But here’s what made Dubois’ report especially unique: He concluded that much of the dysfunction within Black communities came from their inferior access to things like education and more lucrative jobs.

但 Dubois 的报告特别独特的原因在于：他得出的结论是，黑人社区内部的大部分功能障碍来自于他们无法获得教育和更有利可图的工作等机会。